By the early 1900s, there is evidence of a subtle shift in official discourse around urban planning in Delhi. For instance, a handwritten letter from a revenue settlement officer in 1908 suggests there were discussions about bringing Delhi’s outlying areas under a planning framework that extended beyond the narrow interests of the municipal government and local elites. Here is part of what the officer wrote:
“Would it not be possible to lay out a new suburb on the existing nazul land of Khandarat Kalan, Ferozabad Banger, and perhaps take in Narhaula and Raisena as well? I mean, a really respectable sanitary suburb where the ADC railway would open a station, with proper boulevards and wide-open spaces. Our present proposed improvements are unsympathetic, leaving no open spaces for resort and recreation, in spite of the lesson to be learned from the Queen’s gardens and its perpetual crowd.”
This suggests that some officials were envisioning a broader form of urban planning for Delhi. The officer continued:
“… What a treat it would be to have that miserable Khandarat land extending down to Nizam-din’s tomb land out in blocks, systematically arranged for future building sites, with provision for roads and hygienic recreation! Surely it is better to tackle the question now and ensure orderly expansion, rather than allow the city to expand according to the whims of individual landowners?”
While this does represent a broader form of planning, there are clear questions about its inclusivity. First off, the letter echoes the old colonial trope of orderly development of the ‘miserable’ khandarat (‘ruins’) lands. Moreover, while the plan suggests addressing needs such as leisure, recreation, and sanitation, these would likely have been intended only for the city’s population, not necessarily for those living in the suburban areas. One might also argue that this wasn’t a prescriptive plan but simply one official’s opinion in 1908. It’s likely such ideas would have been contested, especially over issues of cost and effectiveness. Debates would have centered around whether European forms of ‘hygienic recreation’ were appropriate for Indian contexts. As I mention in my book, many of these tensions led to the collapse of early urban plans, and there’s no reason to believe this vision would have fared differently.
In sum, despite the potential in the official’s plans, the ‘colonial’ in colonial Delhi would have triumphed over inclusivity. Perhaps that tells us that planning is always contentious and never free from the cultural, political and social contexts that shapes it.
On that note, see you next Friday for more on Delhi.







